An authoritarian leader like Donald Trump does not seize power lightly, writes Christophe Busch. The interaction between the alienated elite and the uprooted masses helps weaken democracy. Christophe Busch is director of the Hannah Arendt Institute, of which the VUB is one of the initiators.
This opinion was published in De Standaard.
Two images from the US Capitol haunt my mind: that of the tech billionaires who stood in the front row in the Rotunda during Donald Trump's inauguration and, a few days later, that of Stewart Rhodes, the just-released far-right militia leader of the Oath Keepers, in the corridors of the Capitol. They are two images that speak volumes about the dynamic that German-American philosopher Hannah Arendt described last century, between an alienated elite and an uprooted masses.
Last century, Arendt recognised how part of the intellectual, social and political elite became increasingly disillusioned with traditional norms and politics. As a result, they became alienated and turned away from the democratic system that they perceived as too weak. They sought radical alternatives and embraced ideologies that promised a total break with the past. In the process, they rationalised and legitimised the extremist thinking of new authoritarian leaders. French philosopher Julien Benda described this in 1927 as ‘the betrayal of the intellectuals’. They gave up their task as guardians of universal values such as truth, justice and rationality and allowed themselves to be guided by political, economic or nationalist interests.
In addition, Arendt described the rise of mass societies in which people felt socially, economically and politically excluded and disengaged from traditional social structures such as communities, churches, trade unions or political parties. They were attracted to simple declarations, charismatic leadership and the promise of a new collective driving force, even at the expense of their individual autonomy.
Ideological booster
So a new authoritarian leader does not simply seize power. It is a complex system made possible by the interaction between the alienated elite and the uprooted masses who collectively weaken democracy. In doing so, the elite acts as ideological instigator and the masses as executors.
Arendt's analysis of last century comes as a thunderous warning for this one. In the images of the new digital oligarchs and of the released leader of the extremist movement, you recognise razor-sharp that dangerous dynamic between elite and masses. It is a diabolical interaction that we can complement with the detailed historical knowledge that democracies are very vulnerable to mechanisms such as propaganda, truth distortion, polarisation, normalisation of authoritarian tendencies, manipulation, intimidation, emergency measures, purges and so on.
Alternative reality
But knowledge from the past does not automatically translate into wisdom for the present. The lessons of history have often turned out to be symbolic, simple and gratuitous. But today, more than ever, it matters. In doing so, we should not lose ourselves in - once again polarising - discussions about Elon Musk's arm movement, whether or not it was a Hitler salute. We need to learn to look at the patterns and dynamics that are undermining democratic institutions and causing liberal democracy to slip at a snail's pace.
Totalitarian temptations are reframed as the line between truth and fiction is blurred. As a result, facts are no longer the shared foundation for public debate; they turn into opinions that slide into ‘alternative realities’ and outright conspiracy theories. The organised attack on media, science and justice leads to a delegitimi.
"More than ever, we must commit to truth, justice and respect"
Another totalitarian temptation is the rapid and systematic elimination of opponents within power structures and the replacement of neutral or critical voices with loyal figures. This purge of opponents, often carried out very quickly and ruthlessly, is what we call equalisation, ‘Gleichschaltung’ in German. The control compulsion that Trump is displaying in the Republican party is a typical example of such a power grab, completely transforming the party into an instrument of his personal power.
Bishop in the deep state
In this, we know that truth-telling and equalisation reinforce each other. Everything is interaction. Organised truth-telling, pushed forward by new information and communication technology, legitimises equalisation by accusing opponents of conspiracy, disloyalty or even treason. For instance, it claims that independent judges, now also bishops or some bureaucrats are part of the deep state and therefore should be removed. Equalisation, in turn, reinforces the distortion of truth as all the remaining rulers (the new elite) are loyal to Trump's version of reality. As a result, truth in practice becomes a matter of party loyalty.
Authoritarian leaders act quickly and radically, undermining collective truth and installing a system of loyalty in which there is no more room for criticism or opposition. They give every space to totalitarian temptations. The past week was therefore crucial to regard these dynamics, which unfolded in their familiar speed and preparation, as acute challenges.
Arendt and Benda's analyses and warnings are more relevant than ever before. The second Trump administration does not simply represent a temporary shift in policy, it represents a structural threat to democracy.
The betrayals of intellectuals and elites make that threat possible, the uprooted masses and increasingly extreme movements implement them. More than ever, we must bet on truth, justice and respect. It is up to the elites and the masses, all of us, to seize that opportunity before it is too late. We have a conscience, both then and today.sation of those institutions, which guarantee truth. This manipulation of reality is what Arendt called ‘the organised lie’.